By Simon Hornblower
This can be the second one quantity of a three-volume ancient and literary remark of the 8 books of Thucydides, the good fifth-century BC historian of the Peloponnesian warfare among Athens and Sparta. Books iv-v.24 disguise the years 425-421 BC and comprise the Pylos-Spakteria narrative, the Delion crusade, and Brasidas' operations within the north of Greece. This quantity ends with the Peace of Nikias and the alliance among Athens and Sparta. a brand new characteristic of this quantity is the whole thematic advent which discusses such subject matters as Thucydides and Herodotus, Thucydide's presentation of Brasidas, Thucydides and kinship, speech--direct and indirect--in iv-v.24, Thucydides and epigraphy (including own names), iv-v.24 as a piece of paintings: cutting edge or basically incomplete? Thucydides meant his paintings to be "an eternal ownership" and the continued value of his paintings is undisputed. Simon Hornblower's remark, by means of translating each passage of Greek commented on for the 1st time, permits readers with very little Greek to understand the element of Thucydides' notion and subject-matter. a whole index on the finish of the quantity.
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Extra resources for A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume II: Books IV-V. 24
59. Stroud (above, n. 61), 302. 41 4 1 4 1 4 1 21 Introduction so obvious. It seems to me that visits to Corinth (and Sparta—and Argos—and Mantinea—and so on) would answer as well: exiles regularly moved around a good deal. But Stroud is particularly concerned to demolish what he calls the 'tale* that Thucydides spent his exile in Thrace, writing his history under a plane-tree, a tale handed down by Marcellinus and Plutarch. Stroud misrepresents my own views on this point, in two distinct respects.
To admit the similarity but say there is no need to posit a debt. If the parallel is more lengthy and complex, the move will be to point up the discrepancies, and there will be some, and to say 'look at these discrepancies, they show Thucydides wasn't following Herodotus faithfully, therefore he wasn't following him or criticizing him at all'. As to the first strategy, I myself in 1992 listed a number of passages which though offering parallels did not, I argued, require us to suppose Herodotus was in Thucydides' mind; 1 added that sometimes other people such as Hellanicus may have been the objects of his remarks.
78. Thucydides and Herodotus p. 131, for the non-Herodotean Theban claim that their government in 427 was different in type from the medizing government of 480—an obvious rhetorical ploy. Finally, Kennelly notes that Thucydides did not get from Herodotus the statement that Plataia fell in the 93rd year after its alliance with Athens. Indeed he did not, but that statement is not part of the speech, it is in the narrative But all this is to operate in far too narrow a framework of argument. My 1992 challenge was and is to find past events mentioned in Thucydidean speeches which are wholly unknown to us from the Herodotean tradition.
A Commentary on Thucydides: Volume II: Books IV-V. 24 by Simon Hornblower